• No Sacrifice Zones: Appalachian Resistance comes to DC September 8th!

    In order to pass the Inflation Reduction Act, Senators Manchin and Schumer made a deal which introduces a separate piece of legislation that would fast-track permit approvals for fossil fuel projects in September. While no one has seen the official legislation, the leaked one-page summary of the deal limits foundational environmental protections, endangers public health, fast-tracks fossil fuels, and pushes approval for the Mountain Valley Pipeline, and a draft legislation text even bears the watermark from the American Petroleum Institute.  This side deal has been written by and for the fossil fuel industry, and further causes concerns for frontline communities. The summary document released by Manchin’s office would introduce a wide range of changes to the time tables of the decisions made by regulatory agencies reviewing energy projects under the National Environmental Policy Act, the Clean Water Act and other authorities These changes include, among other revisions: Reinstating limitations on state authority under the Clean Water Act that were made during the Trump administration Requiring federal agencies to concurrently review the different authorizations and permits for a project, and limiting NEPA review to two years for major projects and one year for smaller projects Creating loopholes for certain projects to avoid NEPA review altogether Establishing an avenue for the Secretary of Energy to make a determination whether an energy project is in the national interest, as opposed to the Secretary of State. These measures would put a great deal of strain on federal agencies and courts, and possibly force these institutions to take information presented by the companies requesting permits at face value instead of having the ability to do their own due diligence.  Appalachia, and all other sacrifice zones at risk due to this potential legislation, refuse to be sacrificed for political purposes. We must protect the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), the Clean Water Act (CWA), tribal sovereignty and frontline communities having a say.  Clean Water for NC joined with 650 groups in a letter to reject Machin’s side deal which fast tracks MVP and limits important environmental protections for energy projects.  Ways YOU can take action: Sign this petition opposing this side deal: Appalachian Voices Petition Send a letter to your representative:  https://tinyurl.com/blockthedeal Attend the September 8th Rally!


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  • 40 Years of Environmental Justice: 2022 September Events

    “40 Years of Environmental Justice: Birth in Warren County to Today & Beyond” Hosted by Clean Water for NC with Panelists:  Angella Dunston,  Rev. William (Bill) Kearney,  Danielle Koonce &  Ghanja O'Flaherty Friday, September 30, 2022 12:00 pm – 1:00 pm (EST) EVENT IS SOLD OUT! You can still watch the video, get a wrap-around overview, and more at: cwfnc.org/40-years-ej-resources/   FREE webinar to wrap up the September commemorations of the 40th Anniversary of Warren County Protests. This event will look at the birthing the EJ movement, where we are today, and the future.  Our guest speakers have decades of direct experience in the EJ movement and will share their experiences, lessons learned, and what work still remains for the future of EJ in Warren County, North Carolina, and Beyond. Please visit our Eventbrite page for more details and to donate to support speaker organizations! About Our Webinar and More on LOTS of Events Throughout September! This year commemorates the 40th Anniversary of the birth of the Environmental Justice (EJ) movement! The terms “environmental racism” and “environmental justice” were coined during the 1982 protests in Warren County, NC, when a grassroots effort worked to block a cancer-causing PCB-laced landfill in the Afton community of Warren County with a supermajority of African-American residents. The proposed landfill was announced in 1978 and after four years of mounting scientific and legal challenges, the courts nonetheless allowed the applicable permits.  In 1982, residents protested for seven weeks and many participated in civil disobedience to block the trucks from bringing the toxic waste, leading to over 500 arrests, and so a movement was officially born.  The state still dumped the PCBs and a long history ensued. For the month of September, several organizations have pulled together in hosting events and education to commemorate this momentous event that catapulted a movement and has carried through to our work today.  The main event is hosted by Warren County Environmental Action Team the weekend of September 17th & 18th in Warrenton, and Clean Water for North Carolina is offering a wrap-around finale on September 30th. Support Continuing EJ Efforts!  See below the flyer for details and links for each of these events and more! Support Continuing EJ Efforts!  Wed. 9/14 @ 1-2pm “The Birth of a Movement: A 40th Anniversary Retrospective” Webinar with Dollie Burwell, the Rev. Dr. Benjamin Chavis, Jr., and the Rev. William Kearney Hosted by United Church of Christ Location: Online/Virtual only (see link below) Description: This September will mark the 40th anniversary of the Warren County protests that would ripple outward around the world with far reaching impacts that continue until today. A wealth of insight and inspiration is to be found in this critical moment of history during which leaders grounded in their faith played an integral and significant role. In this webinar, we will hear from three persons who were an important part of the protests: Dollie Burwell, the Rev. Dr. Benjamin Chavis, Jr., and the Rev. William Kearney. NOTE: Even if you cannot make the webinar at its scheduled time, still sign-up, and they will send you a link to a recording of it. For more information and to register, visit UCC’s Event page Thur. 9/15 @ 1:30pm “We Birthed the Movement: The Warren County PCB Landfill Protests, 1978-1982” Art Exhibit Hosted by UNC Chapel Hill Wilson Library Location: UNC Chapel Hill Wilson Library Description: This exhibition is open July 25-December 22, 2022, showcasing four years of how a group of concerned citizens in Afton (Warren County) responded to the state’s plan to build a toxic landfill laced with cancer-causing PCBs in their community, mounting legal and scientific challenges to what they deemed an act of “toxic aggression.” It was curated in collaboration with protest participants, eyewitnesses, and those who continue to organize for justice in Warren County. The exhibit centers their voices and stories in the retelling. For more information, visit: UNC’s Exhibit Page Thur. 9/15 @ 5:30-7pm “Environmental Justice: Past, Present and Future” Conversation with Rev. Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis Jr. and Catherine Coleman Flowers Hosted by Duke University Location: Duke University Chapel & Online Description: Rev. Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis Jr. in conversation with Catherine Coleman Flowers. The Robert R. Wilson Distinguished Lecture will feature the Rev. Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr., who is credited for coining the term "environmental racism," which he declared from his prison cell after being arrested during the protests. Chavis will discuss the past, present and future of environmental justice with Catherine Coleman Flowers, activist and recent McArthur Genius Grant awardee. For more information and to register, visit Duke’s event page Sat 9/17 @ 8am-2pm “We Birthed the Movement: 40 Years of Environmental Justice” A 40th Anniversary Commemoration Hosted by Warren County Environmental Action Team & Coley Springs Missionary Baptist Church Location: Coley Springs Missionary Baptist Church, 244 Parktown Road, Warrenton, NC 27589 Description: A day of commemoration and celebration of the fact that Warren County birthed the EJ movement - acknowledging our legacy as we form partnerships to move forward toward equity and justice. Schedule: 8:00-8:45am Registration/Check-in 8:45-9:30am Ceremony: Passing of the Torch 9:30-11:30am Commemorative March, Prayer of Reconciliation, Music, and Activities 11:30am-2pm Catered lunch Program/Rally For more information, visit WCEAT’s Facebook page Sun 9/18 @ 2-4pm Community Healing Worship Service Hosted by Coley Springs Missionary Baptist Church Location: Coley Springs Missionary Baptist Church, 244 Parktown Road, Warrenton, NC 27589 Description: The African American church (Coley Springs Missionary Baptist) has historically been on the frontline in our fight for social and now environmental justice - the community healing worship service will again center our faith communities in Warren County and beyond fight for justice. For more information, visit WCEAT’s Facebook page Tue 9/20 @ 5pm-8pm Downtown Warrenton & Warren County Jail Museum EJ Tour Hosted by Warren County Environmental Action Team Location: Meet @ 200 block of East Macon Street, Warrenton, NC 27589 Description: This will be a grand tour that is broken down into three 1-hour sessions scheduled as follows: 5-6pm: Guided tour of downtown Warrenton 6-7pm: Session w politicians, music, general information about EJ movement 7-8pm: Historical Jail Museum The final session will include remarks from folks who participated in the protest and the jailer who was present when protestors were arrested.  It will also include an update on future plans for the jail. For more information, visit WCEAT’s Facebook page Sat. 9/24 @ 6:30-9pm Fourth Annual Freedom Fund Banquet with Dr. Timothy B. Tyson Hosted by Warren Co. NAACP in collaboration with Warren County Environmental Action Team Update: Changed from in-person to livestream Description: A wonderful in-person program was planned this year with the theme “Back Together Again.” But the pandemic is not over and cases continue to spike in Warren County. In an effort to keep everyone safe, a memorable virtual event is being planned that will feature live and recorded performances. The banquet will be livestreamed from Warren County Community Center. We will celebrate: 1) being “Back Together Again” virtually and 2) the collaborative efforts of Warren County NAACP and those who sparked the Warren County Environmental Justice Movement 40 years ago. A commemorative edition program book will give special recognition to the unsung warriors of the Warren County Environmental Justice Movement in 1982. For more information and how to purchase tickets to the livestreamed event, visit: Warren County NAACP’s Facebook page Fri. 9/30 @ 12pm “40 Years of Environmental Justice: Birth in Warren County to Today & Beyond” Webinar Panelists:  Angella Dunston,  Rev. William (Bill) Kearney,  Danielle Koonce &  Ghanja O'Flaherty Hosted by Clean Water for North Carolina Location: FREE Online/Virtual only (see link below) Description: A FREE webinar commemorating the 40th Anniversary of Warren County Protests: birthing the EJ movement, where we are today, and the future. To register, visit our Eventbrite page   Support Continuing EJ Efforts!  Select the “40th Anniversary of EJ” designation for proceeds to benefit speaker organizations who participate in Clean Water for NC's September 30th Webinar


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  • EJ Index- Cumulative Impacts & Health Burdens for EJ Communities

    Cumulative Impacts Cumulative impacts are incremental and combined effects from pollution sources, that while individually might be minor, collectively have much greater health and environmental impacts.  Contaminants can find their way into our homes and bodies through the air, water, soil, and even our food! According to a 2018 Duke University study, the health risks associated with exposure to industrial swine operations over time include: asthma, kidney disease, sepsis- bacterial infections of the blood, low birth weight, and infant mortality.  Moreover, a Johns Hopkins DNA sequencing study released in 2021 suggests that antibiotic resistant bacterial strains are spreading from pigs to community members - an emerging health crisis!  Such health risks are compounded for communities that are also home to “deemed permitted” poultry facilities which occur in locations and concentrations unknown to DEQ. Similar to industrial hog farms, poultry operations' health risks include blue-baby syndrome, colorectal cancer, thyroid disease, neural tube defects, spontaneous abortions and prematurity, rashes, stomach illnesses, respiratory problems like asthma and pneumonia, and neurological issues. These negative health impacts are compounded when other industries are nearby like wood pellet plants, coal ash reprocessing plants, oil and gas pipelines, and more. Currently, water and air permits for polluters in North Carolina are considered based on the individual permit, not how its emissions or discharges from the proposed activities may contribute to the load cumulatively with other polluting sources.  For example, if the maximum contaminant level for Pollutant X is 100 parts per billion (ppb), that means that the highest allowable discharge that is considered safe for the community is 100ppb.  However, permits are being granted where each facility will be allowed to pollute 100ppb a piece.  As other polluters also apply for permits, they are also allowed 100ppb. If 10 polluters receive permits to emit or discharge 100ppb each, they end up dumping a collective 1,000ppb on the community even though the maximum contaminant level of what is considered “safe” is only 100ppb.  Rather than allocating various industries a slice of the pollutant pie, they’re all just being allotted whole pies each!  And all of this is at the expense of the neighboring communities and environment. Adding insult to injury, the communities facing these cumulative impacts in highest concentrations are also disproportionately low-income, BIPOC (black, indigenous, or people of color), and/or have pre-existing health vulnerabilities.  A newly released data tool may prove helpful in identifying and understanding the ramifications of these cumulative and disproportionate impacts on health. Introducing the Environmental Justice Index The Environmental Justice Index (EJI) was released on August 10, 2022, as part of the Agency for Toxic Substances and Diseases Registry and the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). The index aggregates data from several sources to rank the cumulative impacts of environmental injustice on health for every census tract, measuring the environmental burden on health/equity and identifying those areas most at risk for health impacts. EJI defines census tract as “the smallest subdivisions of land for which demographic and health data are consistently available. Each census tract is part of a particular county and is home to an average of 4,000 people.”  Data comes from the U.S. Census Bureau, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the U.S. Mine Safety and Health Administration, and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.  Of particular interest about the EJI, is that it provides a single score for each community down to the census tract to help identify which communities are most impacted and at risk from environmental burdens. The rankings are based on breakouts of (1) Social Vulnerability such as socioeconomic status, household characteristics, and housing type; (2) Environmental Burden such as air pollution, potentially hazardous & toxic sites, built environment, transportation infrastructure, and water pollution; and (3) Health Vulnerability such as pre-existing chronic disease burden.  It’s further broken down in the image below.  You can click the image to access the original pdf from CDC with more detail and in accessible text format. So, Now What? While many NC communities already know these impacts, living them everyday, our state lawmakers and regulatory agencies regularly claim that data is insufficient to legislate or fund certain initiatives, such as requiring consideration of EJ, cumulative, or disparate impacts in environmental permitting. Of course, a tool is only as good as the data it uses, so we will continue pushing for continued and expanding environmental monitoring and analyses by industry, regulators, academics, and the nonprofit sector.  Clean Water for NC will continue and grow its own environmental monitoring and analyses efforts as well as fighting for actual tracking of all polluting facilities, given that most Factory Farm sites are not accounted for by the NC Department of Environmental Quality. This EJI tool, combined with environmental monitoring data and several other data tools, provides the very justification our legislators and regulators claim they need and it is high time our state’s decision-makers take heed!  We will continue diving deeper into this tool and make recommendations where applicable for continued improvement. If you have questions about the air and water impacts on your community’s health, want to share your experience, or just plain want to connect with others who may be experiencing similar issues, start connecting on Storybank or reach out to us at info@cwfnc.org. Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and Agency for Toxic Substances Disease Registry. 2022 Environmental Justice Index. Accessed August 12, 2022. https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/placeandhealth/eji/index.html For more information about other helpful data and mapping tools, visit our Community Tools page.  We offer this resource page for publicly available search tools and mapping applications like EPA’s EJScreen Map, DEQ’s Community Mapping System, and more.  We also provide how-to-videos, guides, fact sheets, and more.  Our team is currently reviewing the EJI Tool and we may add it to our resource page soon.  Stay tuned!


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  • Promoting Viable, Equitable Drinking Water & Sewer Infrastructure for NC Communities

    Over the next 20 years, North Carolina water and wastewater infrastructure needs are estimated to range from $17B to $26B. The State Water Infrastructure Authority’s (SWIA) Master Plan outlines where investments need to be made to ensure a viable future for NC’s nearly 1,800 public water utilities. Facts, figures, and historical notes culminate to make the following clear: intentional, forward-thinking investments are key to achieving viable, self-sustaining systems. Not surprisingly, many of our state’s smaller, more rural towns and municipalities face the greatest challenges when investing in and maintaining their drinking water systems and wastewater facilities. Declining rural populations and the outmigration of businesses reduce a town’s ratepayer base. Many small systems - those serving less than 10K customers – were created when there was more public funding available than there is today. And during those formative days, local water boards did not charge high enough rates to set aside for long-term repair and maintenance needs. Utilities facing these and other obstacles are deemed "at risk" or “distressed units” - unable to meet their financial, organizational, and/or operational present and future needs. The federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) provides not only much-needed economic relief for individuals and small business owners, but also throws a lifeline to states struggling to provide necessary funding for public water and sewer infrastructure projects. Of the $8.6 billion NC is slated to receive in ARPA funding, the NC General Assembly appropriated $1.69B directly for drinking water, wastewater, and stormwater projects. Over $350 million is set aside specifically for “distressed” utilities. While the ARPA federal assistance is essentially “free money” for NC water and wastewater systems to make needed infrastructure investments, Clean Water for NC (CWFNC) staff understands that many small government units may not have the staffing or technical capacity needed to navigate the application process. Since February 2022, CWFNC's Water Justice Program Director, Rachel Velez, has been speaking directly with local governments about this unprecedented injection of federal funds for our state's most rural and underserved municipalities. Assistance provided includes sharing information about the types of projects eligible for funding, how to navigate the application process, where to attend Application Training sessions hosted by Division of Water Infrastructure (DWI), and how to work directly with DWI staff on a one-on-one basis to complete the application. With the Fall 2022 funding round just opening up, we continue on our mission of speaking with each of the 94 "distressed" local government units to ensure they have every opportunity possible to submit competitive proposals and secure much needed drinking water and sewer infrastructure for their communities.


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  • NC hog farm buyout failure leaves vulnerable communities at risk

    By: Makaelah Walters, Facing South July 21, 2022 Back in May, North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper (D) called on the Republican-controlled state legislature to include $18 million in the new state budget to fund the state’s Swine Floodplain Buyout Program. Created in 1999 in response to devastating floods from Hurricane Floyd that sent enormous amounts of hog farm pollution into communities and waterways, the program buys out owners of farms in low-lying areas prone to flooding. But the budget passed by the legislature — and signed into law by Cooper on July 1 — does not include funding for the program. "This is one of many examples of this industry wielding political power at the legislature," said Brooks Pearson, legislative counsel at the Southern Environmental Law Center (SELC) in Chapel Hill. The nonprofit law firm has long fought to protect communities from hog farm pollution. The hog industry has been a mighty political force in North Carolina for decades now. Since 2000, hog farmers and other meat industry interests have contributed more than $5.6 million to North Carolina state candidates, as Vox recently reported. In addition, several legislators themselves are farmers who champion the industry’s interests. The buyout program's funds have also been used to close hog farms' notoriously smelly "lagoons" — massive, open pits used store animal waste, including feces, urine, and blood. When lagoons get full, the contents are typically sprayed onto nearby fields, risking runoff into waterways while making life miserable for nearby residents. And while the lagoons pose a particular risk during hurricane season, they can overflow at any time due to lack of maintenance coupled with weak regulatory oversight. In December 2020, for example, a lagoon failure at DC Mills Farm in Eastern North Carolina’s Jones County spilled 1 million gallons of hog waste into a tributary of the Trent River. The farm raised pigs for Smithfield Foods, a Virginia-based food-processing company that's owned by the Chinese conglomerate WH Group. The North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ) had previously cited DC Mills Farm twice for lagoons being over capacity. "It's not necessarily a matter of if there will be another devastating hurricane in Eastern North Carolina," Pamlico-Tar Riverkeeper Jill Howell told Facing South. "We see climate change manifesting in smaller ways. When three or four inches of rain is dumped all at once — and that's not an event here in Eastern North Carolina, it happens all the time — it causes serious localized flooding." For a time, environmental advocates were encouraged by farmers’ interest in the Swine Floodplain Buyout. In all, the state has spent nearly $19 million to halt operations on 43 swine farms. But in 2007 — the same year the legislature made its 1997 moratorium on swine farms permanent — it stopped funding the program. More than 100 farmers who applied were sent away empty-handed. "There are very few things that environmental advocates and operators at CAFOs agree on, but it feels like a swine buyout may be one of them," Howell said. Though the state's hog farms remained under scrutiny after a series of hurricanes and lagoon breaches, the buyout program did not resume until 2018, when Hurricane Florence sent animal waste from 46 lagoons flowing into communities and waterways. Twenty-three farmers applied for the last round of buyout funding, but there was only enough money to close three to five facilities, according to the state Soil and Water Conservation Division. The number of farmers volunteering for the program consistently outpaced the funding, leaving the communities most impacted by the industry vulnerable to disaster. "Every time this program gets funded, there are more applications than there is money to cover it," Pearson said. "The wall we typically hit is Steve Troxler." Troxler, North Carolina’s elected Republican agriculture commissioner, campaigned on making agriculture a $100 billion industry in the state. At the same time, his campaign is heavily supported by agricultural interests, with the North Carolina Pork Council and Smithfield Foods among his top donors, according to FollowTheMoney.org. Given current political realities, Pearson thinks any policy proposal that reduces the number of hogs in North Carolina likely isn’t going to fly. The entire legislature is up for election this year, but it will be elected using GOP-drawn maps favorable to the GOP. For Republicans to retake the supermajority and override Cooper's veto, they need to gain three seats in the state House and two in the Senate. Meanwhile, new pressure is building to keep hog waste lagoons in operation thanks to the state’s energy companies. In 2020, Smithfield Foods and Virginia-based Dominion Energy proposed the largest swine waste-to-energy project in North Carolina. The $500 million project would involve capping waste lagoons to collect methane gas, which would then be processed and transported via pipeline and sold to Piedmont Natural Gas. "It's the poster child for greenwashing," said Blakely Hildebrand, a senior attorney with SELC. "Industry is holding up biogas as this silver bullet to the climate crisis for the agricultural industry. And it is far far from that." As powerful industries team up to continue polluting, the resulting pain is disproportionately borne by residents of North Carolina’s environmental justice communities. A growing body of public health research shows that people who live closer to industrial animal operations get sick more often, stay sick longer, and die more often than people who live further away. And census data shows between a quarter to a third of residents of the state’s major pork-producing counties are Black and around a quarter of are Latinx. In Robeson County, home to both hog and poultry farms, nearly 42% of residents are Native American and 23% are Black. Despite the environmental health risks, the DEQ issued permits to four farms to begin biogas operations at the beginning of this year — a move that many advocates saw as environmental racism. "There’s lots of talk about how covering lagoons will be good for odors and for flooding related things," said Howell. "But what nobody talks about is how building out natural gas infrastructure does nothing to reduce the number of open air lagoons in Eastern North Carolina." Read the article on Facing South


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  • Experts to Congress: Restore EPA enforcement staffing and funding for environmental justice

    By: Julia Kane, Grist July 22, 2022 For the past three years, the Valero Houston Refinery hasn’t gone a single quarter without committing a significant violation of the Clean Air Act. Year after year, as toxic air pollution has wafted through Manchester — a predominantly Hispanic, low-income neighborhood across the street — the facility has racked up a long list of violation notices from state regulators, but that’s done little to actually stop the onslaught. “We always voice concerns about non-enforcement,” said Juan Parras, executive director of Texas Environmental Justice Advocacy Services, who has advocated for Manchester and other communities along the Houston Ship Channel for more than 20 years. “Even when there is enforcement, the penalty is so ridiculously low that it doesn’t pressure the industry to clean up,” he said. To Parras, this is unconscionable. “We ought to be showing communities that are impacted like we are — throughout the nation — that the law is going to back them up,” he said. A mural in the park next to the Valero Houston Refinery shows Manchester, a neighborhood inundated by industrial pollution. Environmental Protection Agency The Valero Houston Refinery is just one of 485 facilities across the country with “high priority violations” of the Clean Air Act that have been left unaddressed through formal enforcement actions. Those violations could include operating without a permit or not using the best available technology to control emissions, among other infractions. At the federal level, EPA’s Office of Enforcement and Compliance Assurance is responsible for enforcing environmental laws. The division runs programs to assist companies with compliance, carries out investigations into suspected violations, issues penalties, and refers the more severe violations to the Department of Justice for prosecution. But for the past decade, Congress has steadily chipped away at the enforcement division’s funding and staffing levels. Since 2011, enforcement funding has fallen by nearly 30 percent once adjusted for inflation. The division currently has 713 fewer staffers than it did back then — a decrease of about 28 percent. As a result, the number of inspections, investigations, and civil and criminal cases the division initiates each year has plummeted, too. There’s a backlog of violations that the EPA hasn’t taken enforcement action on, and there are likely many more that the agency doesn’t even know about because investigators aren’t examining the data companies report or getting out into the field as often. Grist / Chad Small That has real-world consequences for neighborhoods inundated with industrial pollution, which tend to be communities of color or low-income communities. When it comes to enforcing the law, “if our state’s not going to do it and our EPA can’t because they don’t have the capacity, then now there’s nobody left, right? There’s nobody who can hold polluters accountable,” said Jennifer Hadayia, executive director of the environmental justice non-profit Air Alliance Houston. Environmental justice advocates hope Congress will soon reverse course and begin building the enforcement division back up. Last week Air Alliance Houston and 26 other environmental groups from across the country urged lawmakers to fund the EPA’s enforcement efforts at the levels proposed in the Biden administration’s budget. Any day now, the House of Representatives is expected to vote on a spending bill outlining funding for the agency through the next fiscal year. Since his first day in office, President Biden has pledged to make environmental justice a cornerstone of his policy agenda. In May, EPA Administrator Michael Regan and Attorney General Merrick Garland unveiled a new enforcement strategy outlining how their agencies would work together to help fulfill that pledge and pursue environmental justice. “Communities of color, Indigenous communities, and low-income communities often bear the brunt of the harm caused by environmental crime, pollution, and climate change,” Garland said during a press conference. “We will prioritize the cases that will have the greatest impact on the communities most overburdened by environmental harm.” Grist / Chad Small But it isn’t enough to just better prioritize cases, says Eric Schaeffer, executive director of the Environmental Integrity Project and a former director of the EPA’s Office of Civil Enforcement. “Many if not most EPA enforcement actions are already brought against polluters surrounded by lower-income neighborhoods or communities of color, since that’s where the biggest polluters are concentrated,” Schaeffer said. “The problem is that there aren’t nearly enough of them, they take longer than they should, and they sometimes aren’t significant enough to make a long-term difference.” “That won’t be solved by continually refining targeting strategies for an ever-shrinking number of cases,” he said. Instead, the enforcement division needs to conduct more investigations and bring more cases when they find violations. And to do that, they need adequate funding and staff. The Biden administration’s proposed budget allocates over $630 million for enforcement — an 11 percent increase from last year when adjusted for inflation, but still significantly less than in 2011, when enforcement expenditures were nearly $730 million. Biden also wants to boost the division’s staff by more than 130 — which would still leave the division about 600 shy of the nearly 3,300 employees it had a decade ago. “It’s a start,” said Schaeffer. He’d like to see a bigger investment, but “we live in the real world, and we’ve got a fifty-fifty Senate,” he said. Once the House passes legislation to fund the EPA, they will still have to iron out any differences between their version and the Senate’s version, which lawmakers say they’ll release before the end of the month. Then both chambers will need to pass the final version of the bill, which likely won’t happen until after the election in November. “The administration is trying to reorient its focus, but it needs the tools to do that,” said Tim Whitehouse, executive director of Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility and a former senior attorney for EPA’s enforcement division. “It needs the enforcement officers, it needs the inspectors, it needs the attorneys to make sure that there is environmental justice in this country.” But building the division back up won’t be easy. “Just on a human level, you know, it takes time,” Whitehouse said. “These are very complicated laws and regulations. And so EPA needs to make sure it has the best available people and the proper expertise to see these enforcement cases through from beginning to end.” For more than a decade, conservatives who see the EPA’s enforcement efforts as overreach have successfully whittled away funding and staffing for the enforcement division. That came to a head under the Trump administration. In 2017, the Washington Post wrote that former President Trump was planning “to take a sledgehammer” to the agency, attempting to cut enforcement funding by 60 percent. Whitehouse thinks it will take several years of sustained funding to get the enforcement division back to a place where it can adequately enforce the country’s environmental laws. “It’s pretty easy to break something,” he said. “It’s really hard to put it back together. Read the article on Grist


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  • Chemours says it will offer alternative water to more GenX-affected households, but is vague about future

    By: Lisa Sorg, NC Policy Watch July 15, 2022 Chemours told the NC Department of Environmental Quality this week that it would offer replacement water supplies to more North Carolinians whose wells are contaminated with GenX, but was vague as to whether it would continue to do so if the company wins a federal court case. In a July 13 letter from Chemours plant manager Dawn Hughes to DEQ, she wrote that the company “reserves its rights to take appropriate actions …  based upon the results of the pending federal litigation, including in the event EPA’s Final Advisory is found to be invalid.” Chemours, which operates its Fayetteville Works plant near the Cumberland/Bladen county line, is responsible for contaminating public and private drinking water supplies in the Lower Cape Fear River Basin with GenX. An estimated 800,000 people who live in the basin have been affected. Exposure to GenX has been linked to myriad health problems: including reproductive problems, low birth weight, high cholesterol and several types of cancers. The new EPA toxicity assessment said the liver “is particularly sensitive” to the effects of GenX. As part of a 2019 consent order between DEQ, the company and Cape Fear River Watch, Chemours must offer alternative water supplies to private well owners whose water tests either  greater than 140 parts per trillion — the state’s health advisory goal at the time — or above EPA thresholds, even if they change. Last month, the EPA sharply reduced its goal to 10 ppt; it was originally 70 ppt. Chemours has challenged the EPA’s scientific basis for the new goal in a petition to a federal court. A health advisory goal is not legally enforceable, but it is among the steps toward a national drinking water standard, which is law. Nonetheless, the more stringent threshold legally forces Chemours to offer alternative water to more than 1,500 private well  owners in North Carolina whose drinking water contains levels of GenX between 10 ppt and 140 ppt. In her remarks to the Environmental Management Commission yesterday, Assistant Secretary for the Environment Sushma Masemore said 1,545 well owners could be eligible, based on Chemours estimates. That number has since been updated to 1,697 residences or other properties in Cumberland, Bladen, and Robeson counties. Policy Watch reported yesterday that the cost of installing, operating and maintaining these replacement water systems could cost Chemours $200 million, based on the maximum amount per customer, as laid out in the consent order. Regardless of the federal court’s decision, which could be months away, Assistant Secretary Masemore reiterated to Chemours that it must immediately begin complying with the updated health advisory goals. In a letter dated July 14, Masemore responded to Chemours: .. the Department wishes to make clear its position that the Consent Order is unequivocal in requiring Chemours to provide replacement drinking water supplies in the form of public water or whole building filtration systems to parties with private drinking water wells impacted by EPA’s new health advisory, which is now in effect and applicable. This requirement is of real and immediate importance to parties whose wells have been contaminated by pollution from the Fayetteville Works Facility. Affected parties must be assured that the replacement drinking water supply provisions in the Consent Order will be fully and timely implemented.” Chemours itemized to DEQ the status of replacement systems. This does not include households downstream, such as in New Hanover and Brunswick counties, who are connected to public systems. 885 have reverse osmosis systems that were installed by Chemours and are operating; 124 already have public water connections, including 84 that were connected by Chemours to public water systems, and are receiving public water; 108 are under consideration for public water connections and in the interim are receiving bottled water or have reverse osmosis systems already installed; 3 have had new deeper wells constructed by Chemours, producing water tested to have below 10 ppt for HFPO-DA; 5 (all non-residential properties) have granulated activated carbon (“GAC”) systems that were installed by Chemours and are operating; 4 of the wells are no longer in use; 519 have not accepted Chemours’s offer for reverse osmosis systems and are receiving bottled water deliveries or vouchers; and 49 have declined Chemours’s offer for reverse osmosis systems, and are not currently receiving replacement drinking water. There are an additional seven wells in New Hanover County whose owners have been provided with bottled water deliveries or vouchers. DEQ is hosting a public meeting on Tuesday, July 26 about the impacts of the new EPA goals on private well owners. The meeting will be held at the Crown Theatre, 1960 Coliseum Drive in Fayetteville, at 6 p.m. Read the article on NC Policy Watch


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  • Preparing for an Active Atlantic Hurricane Season

    The Atlantic hurricane season officially starts June 1st and lasts until November 30th, with the peak falling around September 10th. The effects of climate change have been felt more deeply in recent years, with wildfires and drought in the West, and rising sea levels and flooding on the East Coast and elsewhere. The climate crisis has also been linked to increased storm frequency and hurricane strength. Just last year, the Atlantic Hurricane Season produced 21 named storms (winds of 39 mph or greater), including seven hurricanes (winds of 74 mph or greater) of…


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  • Say NO to Duke’s Carbon Plan!

    On May 16th, Duke Energy submitted a proposed Carbon Plan for public comment in compliance with NC HB 951 requiring the NC Utilities Commission (NCUC) to develop a Carbon Plan by the end of 2022. The Commission is directed to achieve a reduction of 70% from 2005 levels by the year 2030 and carbon neutrality by the year 2050. Duke’s Plan doesn’t do enough to cut carbon emissions per HB 951 while lacking transparency and allowing for increased costs against ratepayers. Adding insult to injury, it does nothing to combat fracking and pipelines or animal waste digester and biogas activities, which directly impact drinking water resources in addition to climate and air quality. These practices disparately impact rural, low-income, and BIPOC communities. Below are some great resources including public hearings, rallies, talking points, report cards, and additional resources created by other fantastic organizations with whom we often collaborate or partner. *Two hearings will be held remotely via Webex, with members of the public participating by phone. People who would like to testify must register in advance by 5:00pm, August 16, 2022, by emailing the Commission at ncucpublichearing@ncuc.net or by calling 919-733-0837. People who want to register must provide their name, the docket number (E-100 Sub 179), the telephone number that they will use to participate in the hearing, and the topic of their testimony. Only the first 20 people registered for each remote hearing session will be allowed to testify. People who simply want to observe a remote hearing may do so via the live stream link on this website. Here is more information on how to participate in a remote hearing. Rallies People Power NC and other organizations are holding rallies and events before each meeting! These will have an art and community building focus outside each public hearing venue at the times provided below. Check back for more updates as information becomes available. • Durham rally at 5:30pm. Doors for the hearing will open at 7pm, folks will line up in advance and sign up to provide comments as soon as doors open. • Asheville rally at 5:30pm. • Charlotte rally at 3:00pm. Submitting Comments Any person or entity may submit written statements to inform the Commission of their positions on the Carbon Plan. Statements should be mailed to the address below, and reference Docket No. E 100, Sub 179. Persons may also electronically submit a position statement to the Commission about the Carbon Plan via the Commission’s website To send your comments via mail: 4325 Mail Service Center Raleigh, NC 27699-4300 Reference Pages NCUC: Carbon Plan Page House Bill 951 (S.L. 2021-165) Duke Proposed Carbon Plan Fact Sheets, Resources, Analyses Stay updated on energy news in NC and surrounding areas: Sign up for NC Energy Digest Southern Alliance for Clean Energy: Overview of Duke's Proposed NC Carbon Plan Clean AIRE NC: Carbon Plan Talking Points (cleanairenc.org); NC Carbon Plan - CleanAIRE NC People Power & Fossil-Free NC: Fossil Free NC; Carbon-Plan-Report-Card * Note: Some environmental groups offer the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) as an alternative option, but Clean Water for NC and several community groups maintain reservations about RGGI due to EJ impacts, particularly hot-spotting and race-to-the-bottom impacts on low-income, rural, and BIPOC communities. These items would need to be adequately addressed to eliminate disparate and cumulative impacts on EJ communities.


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  • Much Work Remains for Meaningful Public Participation in North Carolina

    On January 7, 2022, NC Gov. Roy Cooper signed Executive Order (EO) 246, “North Carolina’s Transformation to a Clean, Equitable Economy.”  The EO 246 required, among many things, that each of the Governor’s agencies appoint an EJ Lead and updated Public Participation Plans for “meaningful, fair, and equitable public engagement in state agency decision-making.” In March, the Governor’s office began accepting comments via a “NC Access Survey” and similar efforts were conducted by the Andrea Harris Taskforce and DEQ Secretary’s Environmental Justice and Equity Advisory Board.  Clean Water for NC, as well as numerous other environmental, social justice, and community members submitted comments and even met with Governor’s representatives to flesh out the details of our concerns regarding meaningful public participation in NC.  Over the last several months, Governor’s agencies began appointing an EJ Lead and on June 1st, DEQ released its updated Public Participation Plan and Language Access Plan (Plan). We appreciate that DEQ took heed of some items we and numerous other folks raised, particularly efforts to reduce barriers to accessibility of hearings and meetings, as well as language barriers.  However, DEQ’s draft Plan does not address a number of concerns we raised. Specifically, we are concerned with inadequate notification and comment periods, limited transparency with limited tools, and community disempowerment during decision-making processes. Meaningful Public Participation should mean that people: Have an opportunity to be heard AND That their concerns carry weight. Adequate Notice & Comment We applaud DEQ for recognizing that notification about permitting decisions need to go beyond a single newspaper notice. Flyers should be posted where the impacted community can see, such as grocery stores, post offices, or other local centers or information boards frequently used by the public. For rural areas with limited community centers, mailers would be used. The Plan also mentions potential use of social media and radio. We appreciate the acknowledgement that “current statutory requirements for disseminating information for public notice have not kept pace with evolving media communications.” This is an aspect in which DEQ recognizes an existing barrier with negative ramifications and goes beyond the explicit limitations and requirements of agency-authorizing statute in a manner that is equitable and fair for the needs of North Carolina’s residents. Yet, the way in which DEQ implemented its review and comment period for this Plan came across as a bit disingenuous and in opposition to DEQ’s claimed effort for enhancing public participation and engagement. The Plan itself was only open for 30 days for public review and comment, a standard DEQ applies to most of its actions.  However, a 30-day review and comment period is simply not enough time, especially considering that agencies often spend months and years developing their rules as do polluting industries when they apply for permits—leaving the public scrambling to catch up and provide timely, thoughtful, and necessary comment to often highly technical matters.  Statutorily, 30 days is only the floor and DEQ certainly has the authority to allow for more public review and comment time.  A more appropriate timeframe is at least 60 days, even though the public is nonetheless at a disadvantage compared to the agency’s and permittee’s preparation time. Enhanced Public Engagement Another major concern is what the agency considers “enhanced” public engagement, which we deem to be the standard by which DEQ should apply all of its public outreach and engagement. According to DEQ’s Plan, enhanced engagement entails “project-specific and community-oriented communications methods” which may include, but does not require, (1) distributing flyers in locally-owned business, libraries, places of worship, and other community gathering places; (2) non-English language social media and other media outlets; (3) providing vital documents in non-English language; and (4) coordinate with community, faith-based, and other organizations to implement public engagement; among others. These “enhanced” approaches should be applied across the board, but the Plan would only allow DEQ to apply them if a community first qualifies to receive enhanced engagement. The systems used to determine whether enhanced approaches may be implemented include an EJ Report and the Community Mapping System (CMS).  These are two helpful but flawed tools that ultimately do not provide for anticipated outcomes.  For example, the EJ Report carries no bearing or weight on the decision of whether a permit will be approved. Rather, it is purely a tool to determine whether the enhanced engagement may be appropriate.  According to the Plan, the CMS is to be used to identify community demographic, socioeconomic, and health data that may fit the definition of underserved communities, but it does not provide this data at the same scales for comparison, such as county-wide vs. the census block level vs. the extent of the map view in the tool. Our past two newsletters from Spring 2022 and Fall/Winter 2021 have discussed some of these CMS deficiencies and efforts at progress to better account for inequities. Equitable Outcomes or Continued Disempowerment? The Plan outright acknowledges the need for equity and claims to “strive to be transparent and accountable, to seek equitable outcomes through inclusive processes,” and uses the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) definition of meaningful involvement as one in which the “public’s contribution can influence the regulatory agency’s decision” and in which “community concerns will be considered in the decision-making process.” It even provides a process for distributing and posting Title VI material.  However, DEQ has time and again stated that its authority is limited and cannot consider disparate, health, or cumulative impacts, nor can it consider the non-technical comments and concerns of community members.  This means that DEQ will not consider or weigh community concerns about disparate, health, or cumulative impacts— that is, not without an explicit statutory framework. Ultimately, the purported limitation of authority begs the question of whether the Plan will have any efficacy or whether it simply checks a box for an “opportunity” to be heard where those voices ultimately fall on deaf ears. Conclusions & Next Steps With these pitfalls in mind, we do appreciate DEQ’s effort to provide for increased public engagement, opportunity to be heard, and make improvements to further build DEQ’s relationship with the public.  We hope for continued opportunities to provide input on the Plan and look forward to continuing to communicate with DEQ officials. We will continue to work towards a robust and equitable Plan that ensures robust notification and comment periods, increased transparency and effective tools, and overall decreased barriers to hearing and meeting accessibility, language barriers, and community disempowerment during decision-making processes. We look forward to meaningful public participation where the people not only have an opportunity to be heard, but one in which their non-technical disparity/EJ, cumulative, and health impact concerns carry weight in decision-making processes. We reiterate: Meaningful participation should mean that people have an opportunity to be heard and that their concerns carry weight. Check out some additional talking points Clean Water for NC put together for better understanding meaningful public participation, as well as a joint-submission of comments to DEQ in response to their draft Public Participation Plan.


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